ANALYSIS: Reds offer free accommodation, meals, pocket money to woo their supporters

The United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD) has declared war on the government and vowed to drum up a million supporters for its mass protest in Bangkok.
Tactics in maintaining the size of the crowds have changed over the past eight days since the rural red shirts descended on the capital.
The UDD had announced it was playing a numbers game to force Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva to dissolve the House. But as the days wore on, the crowds thinned, prompting the rally organisers to rethink their strategy.
They had planned to bus in more supporters from the North late last week to replace those who went home. But the number of these reinforcements fell short of their target.
The UDD opted to solicit support from red shirts in Bangkok, figuring that supporters who worked by day and joined the rally at night would help sustain the gathering.
In a test of city people's support for the red shirts, the UDD went on a mobile rally along main streets of Bangkok on Saturday. About 65,000 people took part in the convoy.
Some analysts said the large turnout was made up mostly of loyalists of the red-affiliated Puea Thai Party.
It is still open to question how many politically-neutral city residents or those formerly opposed to the red shirts actually changed their stand and jumped on the UDD bandwagon on Saturday.
Political sources, nonetheless, agreed that putting together such a mass gathering took a "lot of time and means".
The government has claimed to have reliable information that certain businessmen were funnelling financial aid to the red shirt movement. The aid allegedly flowed through core members of the protest network responsible for bringing supporters to Bangkok.
Community leaders such as kamnan and village heads mobilised supporters through an intricate web of personal ties. New supporters also came from groups disenchanted with government policies.
The source said it was agreed the core members would provide free transport, food and possibly pocket money to some of the supporters who joined the rally.
With the present rally, a "package" was arranged: four nights and three days at the rally with free meals and transport and pocket money of 2,000 baht for each person.
Many protesters had expected the rally to end with the collapse of the government by the middle of last week.
A core member said the supporters came of their own free will. They were strongly attached to former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his populist policies which they insisted had improved their lives.
Others had taken the protest to a new level, demanding an end to social inequality through the eradication of "double standards", which has been the mantra of the red shirt rally.
The member said after the harvest season, many farmers were free to travel to Bangkok.
"It's much better than doing nothing staying in the village. Here, the members have some income," the source said.However, the source admitted some red shirt protesters did not get all the pocket money they had been promised after the core members had taken their cut.
Some supporters were attracted to the pocket money but asked that the core members absorb their petrol costs.
In the Saturday mobile rally, it was alleged some motorcycle taxis were offered from 300 to 500 baht and taxis up to 1,000 baht each so they could afford to join the convoy, the source said.

Pre-election budgets: a history of hair shirts and handouts

Britain's recent history suggests that there are only two types of pre-election budget: naked attempts to bribe taxpayers with their own money and determined shows of fiscal rectitude. By and large, Conservative chancellors have fallen into the first category, while Labour occupants of 11 Downing Street have been more willing to don the hair shirt, often to their electoral cost.
The spectre of Roy Jenkins in 1970 hangs over Alistair Darling as he prepares to deliver his third budget on Wednesday. With inflation a problem and the International Monetary Fund hovering menacingly, Jenkins eschewed the expected tax cuts and, in language Darling would appreciate, warned: "There are dangers for the country in the present situation." For decades, Jenkins remained adamant that it had not been his frugality that allowed Ted Heath to triumph unexpectedly at the polls two months later.
Hugh Gaitskell's package of 1951 was another exercise in austerity. Labour had seen its majority from the 1945 landslide trimmed in the poll held in 1950 and another election was in the offing. Gaitskell increased income tax, profits tax, purchase tax and petrol prices. Even more controversially, NHS patients were charged 50% of the cost of spectacles and dentures, a move that led to the high-profile resignations of Aneurin Bevan and Harold Wilson.Labour was removed from power later that year, and a quite different approach was taken by the Conservative chancellors in the pre-election budgets of 1955 and 1959. R A "Rab" Butler shaved 2.5p off the standard rate of income tax in April 1955, and just over a penny off the lower rates. Tax allowances were raised and purchase tax on some items was cut. The Tories were returned to power with an increased majority the next month. It was a similar story in 1959 under a different Conservative chancellor, Derick Heathcoat-Amory. He was even more generous than Butler, lopping 4p off the standard rate of income tax and 2.5p off the lower rates. Purchase tax was reduced and duty on beer was trimmed by almost 1p a pint. The Conservatives won a 100-seat majority that autumn.What the Conservatives managed to do in the 1950s was to align the economic and political cycles. Pre-election giveaways were followed by post-election takeaways as successive chancellors made sure that any bad news occurred early in the parliament. It was a strategy to which the Conservatives returned during their next period of prolonged rule after 1979.
Geoffrey Howe's reputation as an iron chancellor is based on the 1981 budget, which raised taxes even though the economy was in the depths of what was – then, at least – Britain's longest and deepest postwar slump. But in the spring of 1983 the economy was growing strongly and Howe was able to let the brakes off. Income tax allowances were raised by more than the rate of inflation, tax relief on mortgages was increased from £25,000 to £30,000, and child benefit was raised by 11%. With Labour in disarray and Thatcher benefiting from a Falklands feelgood factor, the Tories were back with a majority of 144 within three months.
Nigel Lawson produced an even more striking package of tax cuts four years later. Petrol duty on unleaded petrol was cut by 5p a gallon, on-course betting duty was scrapped, corporation tax for small companies was reduced and tax exemptions for profit-related pay were made more generous. But the centrepiece of the budget was the announcement that the basic rate of income tax would be cut from 29% to 27%, with a clear hint that voters would see a similar reduction the following year provided they resisted the temptation to vote for Neil Kinnock's Labour party.They duly did, were duly rewarded and, in due course, paid a heavy price. Tax cuts and lower interest rates helped to stoke a ferocious consumer boom in 1988 that could only be controlled by a doubling of borrowing costs. The economy sank into recession in the autumn of 1990 and was still in the doldrums as the end of the parliament approached in early 1992.As now, the public finances were in a terrible mess, but with some creative accountancy at the Treasury, new chancellor Norman Lamont massaged down the size of the projected deficit to £28bn. Although the black hole later proved to be substantially bigger, he was able to cut taxes by introducing a new 20% tax band on the first £2,000 of taxable income. The following day John Major fired the gun for the start of an election campaign dominated by tax. Against the odds, the Conservatives won a fourth term.Kenneth Clarke was less successful with the last budget before the 1997 election. He cut income tax from 24% to 23%, but after the hefty increases in taxes in 1993 and 1994 it was too little too late. The last Budget of 18 years of Conservative hegemony also bequeathed some eye-wateringly tough targets for public spending which Gordon Brown stuck to when he became chancellor under Tony Blair. Clarke later said he would never have adhered to them himself.Brown's pre-election Budgets of 2001 and 2005 tended to produce something for everyone without being memorable. In 2001, Brown announced higher pensions and more generous tax credits for the working poor. In 2005, he announced extra long-term spending in public services, setting up an election campaign based on Labour investment versus Conservative cuts.
Advance billing suggests this week's budget will not be Lamont in 1992 or Lawson in 1987, let alone Lloyd George in 1909, perhaps the most memorable pre-election budget of all. The then Liberal chancellor outraged the House of Lords, prompting a constitutional crisis and an election, with a tax on land to pay for the embryonic welfare state. Lloyd George called it a "war budget" – raising money to "wage implacable warfare against poverty and squalidness". Darling insists he has no intention of coming up with anything nearly so emotive.

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A Leading Provider of Telecommunications Systems
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SSEP’S all production techniques/technology and key components are come from the United States Marley companies, which commit international certification, including China Compulsory Certification CCC.
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Quanta computer companyIndustry: | Company Type: | Company Size:Company Profile:2004-6 - Now Purchasing Specialist/Staff
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1. Provide high-level consulting to local management as site manager in IT on-site
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- Bank of China: Northeast Customer Service Center, Operation Consultancy
(Project manager, responsible for overall development plan, human resources management, dailypolo shirts operation management, service quality management, business plan, and technical system plan)
- Blue Express: Shenzhen Call Center, Operation Consultancy
(Project Manager, responsible for setup of daily operation management, service flow criterion, human resource management, etc)
- CITIC Bank Credit Card: Shenzhen Call Center, Operation Consultancy
(Project Manager, responsible for agent recruitment, staff training, setup of service criterion, etc)
- Beijing Foton Auto:ralph lauren polo shirts Customer Service Center, Operation Consultancy
(Project Manager, responsible for agent recruitment, staff training, setup of service criterion, etc)
- In-house Outsourcing Call Center
(Project Manager, responsible for agent recruitment, staff training, setup of service criterion, business development, etc)
- Harvest Asset Management: Customer Service Center （account manager and solution consultant）
- Hebei Power: 95598 cheap ralph lauren polo shirts
Customer Service Center, 7 sites （solution manager）
- SNDA: Customer Service Center, Operation Consultancy （account manager and trainer）